Speaking to The New Yorker during a visit to Italy last week, Magyar said, according to the magazine’s preview of the interview, “We don’t want to build a power machine.” The conversation took place shortly before his inauguration as Hungary’s new prime minister.

His Italy trip included meetings with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and attendance at the premiere of the documentary Tavaszi szél at the Riviera International Film Festival in Sestri Levante.

Magyar also said that “Hungary today is a free country,” arguing that what he described as the “Orbán system” has effectively collapsed, partly because government-aligned propaganda no longer dominates public information. He added that state institutions, including the police and prosecution services, are now able to operate independently.

At the same time, he acknowledged that the post-election political honeymoon would not last indefinitely. “The dance is only beginning now,” he said, referring to the shift from campaigning to governing.

He also expects both his personal popularity and support for the Tisza Party to decline over time, describing this as a normal feature of democratic politics.

A key theme of the interview was whether Hungary risks replacing one dominant political structure with another. Magyar argued that Tisza’s internal composition makes that unlikely.

“The Tisza is completely different from Fidesz,” he said, adding that the party brings together left-wing, right-wing and green voters in a politically diverse coalition that would make centralised control difficult.

He also stressed that Tisza has no oligarchic business background and no propaganda infrastructure comparable to that of Fidesz during its time in power.

In his view, even if such a system were desired, it could not realistically be recreated under these conditions — which he said it is not.

Despite winning a large parliamentary majority with 141 seats in the 199-member National Assembly, Magyar described his governing majority as “fragile” due to ideological differences among MPs, who range from rural conservatives to urban left-leaning voters in Budapest. He said this diversity would require negotiation and compromise before major decisions.

He also referred to the party’s “Tisza Islands” grassroots networks, which he said would act as a direct link between voters and decision-makers. “If people do not like the direction, they can say: stop, this is not the film or tour we bought tickets for,” he said.

The government’s early plans include rewriting the constitution, with one proposed measure being a strict two-term limit for future prime ministers.

Magyar argued that democratic safeguards cannot rely solely on legal frameworks if political leaders lack restraint. He said the deeper issue behind Hungary’s democratic decline over the past 16 years was not constitutional design, but “power, the prime minister, and the mafia”.

He also said his office uses a 63-point internal ethical checklist intended to prevent abuse of power. “If I ever feel that I am no longer here to serve the country, I will resign immediately,” he said.

In a more personal remark, he said he does not see power as an end in itself. “I would more than happily hand this power over to anyone who could serve the country better than me,” he said, adding that he would prefer to return to spending time with his children and attending their football matches.

When asked whether Hungary’s political shift could serve as a model internationally, including in the United States under President Donald Trump, Magyar avoided giving direct advice, saying political change depends on voters rather than any fixed formula.

“There is no real secret behind the scenes,” he said. “You just have to work, be honest, meet people personally, and look them in the eye.”

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