Hungarian foreign policy has concluded a difficult year. War has broken out in a neighboring country, and the geopolitical storm around Ukraine has further narrowed the country’s room for maneuver which wasn’t very wide to begin with. The problems peaked when a number of allies questioned the direction of maintaining a practical connection with Moscow in the interest of maintaining the balance in the (c)old war between Russia and America.

With undue reservations, Washington is using rough methods among its allies to put Budapest in its place among uncritical followers. Meanwhile the foreign ministry underwent a serious transformation, led by three ministers this year. We spoke with the new head of the Ministry for foreign economy and foreign policy since September, Peter Syijjarto, about the new situation and prospects.

I don’t know whether you’ve counted how many kilometers you’ve traveled since September. If Hungary’s honor only dependent on that, then we would be in pretty good shape. By contrast, many today regard Hungary with uncertainty, and the country’s room for maneuver has narrowed. What to you see as being the cause of this?

Let’s not confuse deliberate characterizations of us with reality. Certain external and internal powers would like to destabilize Hungary, and they are working on on narrowing the country’s room for maneuver, not only abroad but at home as well. This, however, has nothing to do with reality. The vast majority of our partners regard Hungary as a partner that is politically stable, and whose economic results of the past few years are to be respected.

At the same time I consider it natural that questions arise, since over the past four years we reorganized all of our large systems and renewed Hungary, and accompanying this were a lot of changes. We should also see that certain international media actors deliberately portray Hungary in a negative light, but that their criticism in most cases does not reflect the opinion of government officials.

We can even name one of the foreign powers you mention. The United States has been doing everything as of late to change, let’s not embellish, narrow Hungary’s room for maneuvre in accordance with its interests. And it is doing this in a manner that is unworthy of an ally. In spite of that, would it not be in the Hungarian interest to consolidate the situation rather than further tighten the string? If only because this is an unwinnable battle, right?

It would be mindless and illogical if we wanted to conduct our foreign policy and foreign economic strategy in manner involving maintaining a deliberately bad relationship with the United States. So our interests are unequivocally for the relationship between Hungary and the United States to be balanced.

However, normalizing relations requires the will of both parties. Naturally we listen to all the advice of our friends, but at the same time we expect everyone to respect our sovereignty and the will of the Hungarian people. And we also expect it if perhaps our vision for the future, about which the Hungarian people decided three times this year, is not to the liking of other countries.

It is an open secret that American is not concerned about democracy. Washington does not like that the Hungarian govenrment maintains a normal relationship with Moscow, and if we were to relax that connection, they wouldn’t be that interested about corruption. Is it possible that Budapest will give in to American pressure?

We are believers in equal treatment, and reject double standards regardless of circumstances. It is interesting that nobody objected to the fact that, prior to the sanctions trade, between Russia and the European Union decreased, but that between Russia and the United States it increased. But I would also mention that among those EU countries most loudly insulting Moscow, there is more than one whose exports to Russia have increased over the past months. We look on the close economic-financial cooperation between the United States and China with jealousy, but at the same time do not understand why the sixteen Central and Eastern European countries are criticized for undertaking regional developments with China.

Yes, the interests however are at odds. In this way the consensus based EU did not take into consideration the interests of Central and Southern Europe when Southstream ran aground.

The construction of Southstream would have been in the interest of Central Europe. We know that the United States had serious concerns, but at the same time Central Europe’s search for energy security is a European matter. For this reason while looking for new sources and delivery routes, we await with interest what solution Brussels offers the area as part of the EC’s plan to stimulate investment, or even outside that plan. Recently the Russian energy minister confirmed that the Russian gas will reach the border of Turkey and Greece, whence we can bring it . . .

. . . assuming we build a pipeline!

That is correct. And this is why we consider it important for the European Union to actively involve itself in this question.

But it appears from pronouncements to date that Hungary has got itself into an enormous geopolitical wave, which the government is to survive in a German safe harbor. Do I see things correctly?

Our most important ally in Europe is Germany, and for this reason it is self evident that we cooperate closely on serious geopolitical matters. Precisely because of this extraordinarily close connection our interests are the same.

This is so. In the heat of reorganizing Hungarian diplomacy, however, it is as though Hungarian diplomacy was asleep for Berlin during the changes which came about during the crisis surrounding Ukraine last summer. Don’t you think that we came a little late to the negotiating table?

In connection with the Ukrainian crisis, our position is the following: We support Ukrainian territorial integrity and sovereignty and the fastest negotiated settlement possible based on the Minsk accords. And we believe that what is happening in Ukraine goes contrary to Europe’s long term interests. At the same time, we believe that it is necessary for the European Union to form a long term partnership with Russia based on mutual respect for international law. We are getting farther from this with each passing day. In the same way, Berlin supports negotiation, and raises the possibility of a European Union and Eurasian Economic Union as well. From the outset we have represented this point of view.

This point of view is not really compatible with certain countries led by the United States supporting the cause of arming Ukraine.

As a neighboring country it is in our interest for the armed conflict in Ukraine to end as soon as possible.

Ukraine will determine Europe’s future, and in this question debate is natural. At the same time, it is not possible to gloss over the current problems either. There is plenty of reason for condemnation, the means of expression, rhetoric based on domestic political considerations can often give cause for misunderstanding, including that of the current dispute with America. It doesn’t help Hungary’s image either that the question of the European, Euroatlantic commitment has become the subject of a political argument more than it should have. What kind of Europe is the government thinking of?

It is in Hungary’s interest for Europe to be strong. There can be no strong Europe today without strong European countries. As this pertains to domestic disputes, I would think that when a country is the subject of unworthy attacks, then the Hungarian political elite should come together, since its first interest is the nation. Foreign policy successes are not the interests of parties but the interest of the entire nation. That is why I consult regularly with all parliamentary parties. That is why I consult with earlier foreign ministers. And that is why I regularly inform the parliamentary caucus heads. Here, too, one-sided will is not enough for cooperation.

The emergence of such a consensus might even be a new year’s wish, to which I would add that Hungary should not become isolated . . .

Since my appointment in September I have met with almost thirty foreign ministers. For the past years I sat in on all of the Prime Minister’s important meetings with foreign officials. That is why I can calmly say there is no danger of that happening.

Source: The Budapest Beacon

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